En meget forhenværende kommunist, men højest nulevende filippinsk journalist og kommentator m.v., Rigoberto D Tigalao, tager i Manila Times fat i gode og grundlæggende spørgsmål om anvendelsen af tortur, brutalitet og undertrykkelse i almindelighed og under Marcos æraen på Filippinerne i særdeleshed.
Den skandinaviske forbindelse til de år består bl.a. i, at den svenske terorrist Stellan Hermansson dukkede op på øerne og bl.a. deltog i et kommunistisk terrorangreb, hvor en politimand blev dræbt. Hermansson blev senere gift med Waffen-SFs nuværende formand, Pia Olsen Dyhr, siden skilt og skulle for nærværende stille sine ydelser til rådighed for den irske fagbevægelse. Mere om ham her.
Blekingegadebande medlemmet, Nicolai Döllner, var ligeledes på filippinsk besøg i 80erne, hvad der kom en artikel i Ingenøren ud af om den danske byplanlægger Aage Christensen, der arbejdede i byen Davao. Artiklen findes i Ingenøren;
Dansk eminence på job i guerillaens bagland : byplanlægger i Mindanaos slum
Ingeniøren, Årg. 11, nr. 4 (1985), sektion 2, s. 4
Filippinerne indgik i sagen mod Blekingegadebanden på den måde, at et medlem af banden, lægen Kari Havsland Jørgensen, som undskyldning for på kriminel vis at have misbrugt oplysninger, hun lå havde adgang til i kraft af sit betroede job som læge, at hun troede at hendes instruktioner i anvendelse af bedøvelsesmidler var til brug for det filippinske kommunist partis (CPP) væbnede gren NPA, hvilket jo så blot betyder, at Kari Havsland Jørgensen, var parat til at deltage i tortur, ganske vidst by proxy.
Torturlægen Inge Genefke (tidl. Inge Kemp Genefke, Kemp fra ægteskabet med filosofi professor Peter Kemp) kickstartede sin kampagne “mod” tortur på filippinerne i 1980erne. Formodningen om hvad den kampagne reelt gik ud på er, at Inge Genfeke, vidende eller uvidende, blot var frontfigur i en kommunistisk støtte aktion til fordel for NPA. Sidenhen har den kampagne udviklet sig til organisationen DIGNITY, der bl.a. har udgivet en artikel om forholdene i filippinske fængsler. En central figur i DIGNITY er den nordjyske maoist og terroradvokat Thorkild Høyer. Blandt DIGNITYs sponsorere er den i Hong Kong fødte, og for nærværende domicileret i Svejts, milliardæren Alan Parker, gift med dansk fødte Jette, en nær venninde af Inge Genefke. Inge Genefke er i dag gift med brandsårslægen og kommunisten Bent Sørensen.
Fra den yngre generation af venstreekstremister med interesse i filippinske forhold er den RUC uddannede freelance journalist og kommunist Nina Trige Andersen en fremtrædende figur. Andersen har bl.a. rejst de muhammedanske områder på Mindanao tyndt, noget der kun kan lade sig gøre, hvis man har sit sikkerhedsapparat på plads. Her har formentlig NPA været Andersen behjælpelig.
Fra Tigalaos klumme i Manila Times:
After all, for almost the entire period of martial law, Juan Ponce Enrile (now a senator), served officially as Martial Law administrator and Defense Secretary in charge of all the armed forces’ services during that time. Fidel V. Ramos, who later became President of the Philippines, was director of both the Philippine Constabulary (PC) and Philippine Integrated Police (PIP) during the Martial Law days. The two of them commanded the soldiers and police, who allegedly committed horrible human rights abuses during that regime.
But then we elected Ramos as President, and Enrile for five senate terms, didn’t we? And now President Aquino says we shouldn’t elect Ferdinand Marcos Jr. for vice-president?
I’ve never heard of death squads directly under Marcos. If Enrile and Ramos weren’t in control of army and police killers and torturers, and even of the feared anti-Communist Gen. Rolando Abadilla, then why didn’t they resign early? But would you really believe these two strong-willed men didn’t control the organizations under them?
If there were human rights abuses that President BS Aquino 3rd is now blaming Ferdinand Marcos Jr. for, they were undertaken by the armed forces under Enrile and by the PC under Ramos. In fact, I’ve never heard allegations of human rights violations by operatives of the National Intelligence Services Agency, the unit which the alleged Marcos factotum Gen. Fabian Ver headed.
Take my case. The arrest orders against me and my late wife, Raquel, were issued by Ramos, who was, would you believe, PC Chief from 1970 to 1986. It was the PC’s top anti-subversive unit, the 5th Constabulary Security Unit (which also captured Communist chief Jose Sison and most of the Party’s leaders) that arrested us, with one of their tall burly soldiers beating me up.
We were incarcerated for nearly two years, early 1973 to Christmas 1974, in Camp Aguinaldo and Fort Bonifacio special prisons that were under the supervision of Martial Law administrator Enrile, so I should blame him for the scars of the boils I got on my body because of the malnutrition and unhygienic conditions in those prisons. In the end it was Enrile who officially ordered our release, “in the spirit of reconciliation and Christmas,” to quote the release order.
If the human rights violations during Martial Law were so horrible, Cory either set aside all moral decency and closed her eyes to these, or she was such an opportunist that she decided to use Ramos to defend her from the seven coup attempts against her, and then relied on him to watch her back when she stepped own from power.
Even if Ramos defected – really in the last “five minutes” of the dictatorship – and became an EDSA I hero, she could have just asked him to retire quietly as his way of apologizing for the alleged human rights abuses by his officers and soldiers. But he gave the former Marcos PC chief an entirely new and glorious career, as one of our best Presidents ever.
And if the human rights violations during Martial Law were so horrible, why did President Aquino, who had loyal supporters among the senators, allow Enrile to become Senate president, the second most powerful man in the country?
There were indisputably human rights violations during Martial Law, even the most despicable ones. Many of my close friends were killed by the military or the constabulary in their mid-twenties. However, I would blame Communist chief Jose Ma. Sison for many of those deaths because he deployed those men who were barely out of their teens to foment unrest and revolt in the countryside, telling them that the masses had been roused to revolution because of Martial Law. They were very poorly armed, and were killed not even by the military but by police and militias who thought they were bandits.
I’m sure Enrile and Ramos can tell us if there was such a policy or not. If indeed, there was such a policy, I don’t think these two would have allowed themselves to be its executioners.
What complicates an objective assessment of human rights violations during Martial Law is this, and most Filipinos aren’t aware of it: There were two internal bloody wars raging during the entire Martial Law period.
The first was the Republic against the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), which, with Libyan and Malaysian backing, was rallying the Muslims to fight for an independent state. The second was the war declared by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), the protracted people’s war as the rebel group called it, plagiarizing Mao Ze Dong – when it was established in 1969, before Martial Law. Even the CPP flag emphasized it: The hammer-and-sickle communist logo, with an AK-47 across it.
It wasn’t an empty threat of war. China was set to deliver 10,000 M-14 rifles to the NPA, which they especially manufactured solely for that purpose. The CPP bungled the first two deliveries so much that Mao Ze Dong aborted the plan. Communist chief Jose Sison, as early as 1971, was boasting that Isabela was becoming his Yenan.
Take the case of a former comrade who has been a poster boy for human rights violations during Martial Law. His tale goes: he was just a student activist and a writer in a student-newspaper when the 5th CSU operatives arrested and tortured him. That’s true, and I sympathize with him, but the tale is only half the truth. That guy was a top Communist cadre, in charge of what was then called the “Explosives Movement” directly operating under the Politburo. That was the group in charge of manufacturing what are now called IEDs – improvised explosive devices.
Again, take my case. I can claim to be a human rights victim, that I was jailed for two years because I was student activist at the Ateneo and a labor organizer in factories in Marikina. That’s true, but not the whole truth. I was a firebrand Communist, believing in my heart that only through the dictatorship of the proletariat could humanity end man’s exploitation of man. I headed the party’s organization in the metropolis when we were arrested.
We were also organizing the first armed urban guerillas called romantically the Armed City Partisans. While we were pathetic, really kids playing soldier with untested World War II vintage carbines and pistols, those units would later evolve in the 1980s as deadly assassination squads, called the Alex Boncayao Brigade.
I don’t like to be called a “human rights victim,” as that makes me look like a wimp and it is inauthentic. We were revolutionaries of that era, but we lost. If we had won, we would have put Ramos, Enrile and all the Marcoses – as well as the landlords like the Cojuangcos and Aquinos – in prison, or most likely in front of firing squads.
And if there were a proletarian heaven, my departed comrades peeking down at us would be so angry at being used by Aquino in his anti-Marcos propaganda and portrayed as pussies, “Martial Law victims.” They would prefer to be called Revolutionary Martyrs.